Now, however, based on leaked lines from the Black Notebooks (that maybe amount to 1 or 2 pages out of 1,200), Heidegger’s detractors are claiming that this proves that anti-Semitism was not just a matter of “private insights” but that it is “tied to his philosophy,” indeed it is at the “core” of Heidegger’s thought, that Heidegger’s Nazi problem is “deeper” and “bigger” than had been thought, that this constitutes a “debacle” for contemporary Continental philosophy, and that from now on, it will be “hard to defend” Heidegger.
Of course we need to take this all with a grain of salt, since the sources of these comments are (1) Heidegger’s publishers, who, I believe, are cynically using this controversy — abetted by Heidegger’s gleeful detractors — to create advance publicity and sell books — and with great success, since before they were even released, the Black Notebooks were philosophical bestsellers on Amazon.de; (2) Heidegger’s editor Peter Trawny, who has a book of his own to sell; and (3) journalists who love controversies.
I predict that after Heidegger’s actual remarks and Trawny’s commentary are finally released, and hundreds of thousands of Euros have changed hands, and thousands of readers have weighed the evidence: (1) we will have learned some new details about Heidegger and the Jews but nothing that will alter the existing picture, (2) both Heidegger’s defenders and detractors will be confirmed in their existing opinions, and (3) and some observers of the intellectual hysteria and thuggery surrounding even a whisper of anti-Semitism might conclude that Jewish power and freedom of thought are incompatible. That conclusion certainly began dawning on me as I read my way through the last controversy about Heidegger and National Socialism, which was launched in 1987 by Victor Farias’ Heidegger y el Nazismo.
For what it’s worth, I think it is a mistake to frame the Heidegger-National Socialism question as a matter of whether National Socialism was “inside” or “outside” Heidegger’s philosophy. It is clear that Heidegger thought that National Socialism was “outside” his philosophy — or any philosophy, for that matter, i.e., that it was a movement containing many conflicting and confused intellectual strands.
The real issue is whether Heidegger thought that his philosophy could transform National Socialism into an intellectually coherent, philosophically grounded movement, a movement that understood its “inner truth and greatness” (as he put it in 1935), namely the confrontation of historical man with global technological civilization.
And the answer to this question is clearly: yes. Heidegger thought that his philosophy could provide the foundations for a kind of National Socialism — which is, by the way, one of the reasons for his enduring influence on the New Right.
Now it appears that Heidegger also turned his attention to the Jewish question. Again, it is a mistake to read too much into a few leaked lines, but we are told, for instance, that Heidegger speaks of Jews as “rootless” and “calculating,” which for Heidegger are general traits of modernity. But it is not yet clear whether Heidegger regarded Jews as the subjects or the objects of modernity, or both.
Heidegger apparently regarded Jews as hypocritical insofar as they live according to the principle of race (Rasseprinzip) but attack Germans for seeking to do the same. Heidegger also reportedly notes that Jews foment wars to advance their interests but are loath to shed their own blood.
Хайдеггер выражает свое разочарование в "вульгарном национал-социализме" (стр. 142) - массовом движении, основанном на биологическом расизме. Он анализирует такие основные понятия, как "народ" (Volk), "социализм", "целостность" (Ganzheit) и "массы", отмечая, что "национал-социализм это варварский принцип" (стр. 194) и что "национал-социализм в его нынешнем виде не мировоззрение", и если он "будет пребывать в своей нынешней 'форме', он никогда не сможет стать одним целым" (стр. 196).
антисемитизм несомненное зло, ибо подменяет сущность явлением.
а суть в автокаталитической природе истории и особом ее катализаторе
забвения бытия и времени, сущность которого выражают не часы, но
поэзия и музыка, порывы ветра и шум прибоя, пламя огня и шепот тишины.
и теперь философия вопрошает о забвении и его агентах